Appendix 11 | Table
of Contents | Appendix 13
The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah
Alfred Edersheim
1883
Appendix 12
THE BAPTISM OF PROSELYTES
(See Book II. ch. 11.)
ONLY those who have made study of it can have any idea how
large, and sometimes bewildering, is the literature on the subject of Jewish
Proselytes and their Baptism. Our present remarks will be confined to the
Baptism of Proselytes.
1. Generally, as regards proselytes (Gerim) we have to
distinguish between the Ger ha-Shaar (proselyte of the gate) and Ger
Toshabh ('sojourner,' settled among Israel), and again the Ger hatstsedeq
(proselyte of righteousness) and Ger habberith (proselyte of the
covenant). The former are referred to by Josephus (Ant. xiv. 7. 2), and frequently
in the New Testament, in the Authorised Version under the designation of those
who 'fear God,' Acts xiii. 16, 26; are 'religious,' Acts xiii. 43; 'devout,'
Acts xiii. 50; xvii. 4, 17; 'worship God,' Acts xvi. 14; xviii. 7. Whether the
expression 'devout' and 'feared God' in Acts x. 2, 7 refers to proselytes of
the gates is doubtful. As the 'proselytes of the gate' only professed their
faith in the God of Israel, and merely bound themselves to the observance of
the so-called seven Noachic commandments (on which in another place), the
question of 'baptism' need not be discussed in connection with them, since they
did not even undergo circumcision.
2. It was otherwise with 'the proselytes of righteousness,' who
became 'children of the covenant,' 'perfect Israelites,' Israelites in every
respect, both as regarded duties and privileges. All writers are agreed that
three things were required for the admission of such proselytes: Circumcision
(Milah), Baptism (Tebhilah), and a Sacrifice (Qorban,
in the case of women: baptism and sacrifice) - the latter consisting of a
burnt-offering of a heifer, or of a pair of turtle doves or of young doves (Maimonides,
Hilkh. Iss. Biah xiii. 5). After the destruction of the Temple promise had to
be made of such a sacrifice when the services of the Sanctuary were restored.
On this and the ordinances about circumcision it is not necessary to enter
further. That baptism was absolutely necessary to make a proselyte is so
frequently stated as not to be disputed (See Maimonides, u. s.; the
tractate Massekheth Gerim in Kirchheim's Septem Libri
Talm. Parvi, pp. 38-44 [which, however, adds little to our knowledge]; Targum
on Ex. xii. 44; Ber. 47 b; Kerith. 9 a; Jer. Yebam. p. 8 d;
Yebam. 45 b, 46 a and b, 48 b, 76 a; Ab.
Sar. 57 a, 59 a, and other passages). There was, indeed a
difference between Rabbis Joshua and Eliezer, the former maintaining that
baptism alone without circumcision, the latter that circumcision alone without
baptism, sufficed to make a proselyte, but the sages decided in favour of the
necessity of both rites (Yebam. 46 a and b). The baptism was to
be performed in the presence of three witnesses, ordinarily Sanhedrists (Yebam.
47 b), but in case of necessity others might act. The person to be
baptized, having cut his hair and nails, undressed completely, made fresh
profession of his faith before what were 'the fathers of the baptism' (our
Godfathers, Kethub. 11 a; Erub. 15 a), and then immersed
completely, so that every part of the body was touched by the water. The rite
would, of course, be accompanied by exhortations and benedictions (Maimonides,
Hilkh. Milah iii. 4; Hilkh. Iss. Biah xiv. 6). Baptism was not to be
administered at night, nor on a Sabbath or feast-day (Yebam. 46 b).
Women were attended by those of their own sex, the Rabbis standing at the door
outside. Yet unborn children of proselytes did not require to be baptized,
because they were born 'in holiness' (Yebam. 78 a). In regard to the
little children of proselytes opinions differed. A person under age was indeed
received, but not regarded as properly an Israelite till he had attained
majority. Secret baptism, or where only the mother brought a child, was not
acknowledged. In general, the statements of a proselyte about his baptism
required attestation by witnesses. But the children of a Jewess or of a
proselyte were regarded as Jews, even if the baptism of the father was
doubtful.
It was indeed a great thing when, in the words of Maimonides,
a stranger sought shelter under the wings of the Shekhinah, and the change of
condition which he underwent was regarded as complete. The waters of baptism
were to him in very truth, though in a far different from the Christian sense,
the 'bath of regeneration' (Titus iii. 5). As he stepped out of these waters he
was considered as 'born anew' - in the language of the Rabbis, as if he were 'a
little child just born' (Yeb. 22 a; 48 b; 97 b), as 'a
child of one day' (Mass. Ger. c. ii.). But this new birth was not 'a birth from
above' in the sense of moral or spiritual renovation, but only as implying a
new relationship to God, to Israel, and to his own past, present, and future.
It was expressly enjoined that all the difficulties of his new citizenship
should first be set before him, and if, after that, he took upon himself the
yoke of the law, he should be told how all those sorrows and persecutions were
intended to convey a greater blessing, and all those commandments to redound to
greater merit. More especially was he to regard himself as a new man in
reference to his past. Country, home, habits, friends, and relation were all
changed. The past, with all that had belonged to it, was past, and he was a new
man - the old, with its defilements, was buried in the waters of baptism. This
was carried out with such pitiless logic as not only to determine such questions
as those of inheritance, but that it was declared that, except, for the sake of
not bringing proselytism into contempt, a proselyte might have wedded his own
mother or sister (comp. Yeb. 22 a; Sanh. 58 b). It is a curious
circumstances that marriage with a female proselyte was apparently very popular
(Horay. 13 a, line 5 from bottom; see also Shem. R. 27), and the Talmud
names at least three celebrated doctors who were the offspring of such unions
(comp. Derenbourg, Hist. de la Palest., p. 223, note 2). The praises of
proselytism are also sung in Vayy. R. 1.
If anything could have further enhanced the value of such
proselytism, it would have been its supposed antiquity. Tradition traced it up
to Abraham and Sarah, and the expression (Gen. xii. 5) 'the souls that they had
gotten' was explained as referring to their proselytes, since 'every one that
makes a proselyte is as if he made (created) him' (Ber. R. 39, comp also the
Targums Pseudo-Jon. and Jerus. and Midr. on Cant. i. 3). The Talmud, differing
in this from the Targumim, finds in Exod. ii. 5 a reference to the baptism of
Pharaoh's daughter (Sotah 12 b, line 3; Megill. 13 a, line 11).
In Shem. R. 27 Jethro is proved to have been a convert, from the circumstances
that his original name had been Jether (Exod. iv. 18), an additional letter
(Jethro). as in the case of Abraham, having been added to his name when became
a proselyte (comp. also Zebhach. 116 a and Targum Ps.-Jon. on Exod.
xviii. 6, 27, Numb. xxiv. 21. To pass over other instances, we are pointed to
Ruth (Targum on Ruth i. 10, 15). and to Nebuzaradan, who is also described as a
proselyte (Sanh. 96 b, line 19 form the bottom). But it is said that in
the days of David and Solomon proselytes were not admitted by the Sanhedrin
because their motives were suspected (Yeb. 76 a), or that at least they
were closely, watched.
But although the baptism of proselytes seems thus far beyond
doubt, Christian theologians have discussed the question, whether the rite was
practised at the time of Christ, or only introduced after the destruction of
the Temple and its Services, to take the place of the Sacrifice previously
offered. The controversy, which owed its origin chiefly to dogmatic prejudices on
the part of Lutherans, Calvinists, and Baptists, has since been continued on
historical or quasi-historical grounds. The silence of Josephus and Philo can
scarcely be quoted in favour of the later origin of the rite. On the other
hand, it may be urged that, as Baptism did not take the place of sacrifices in
any other instance, it would be difficult account for the origin of such a rite
in connection with the admission of proselytes.
Again, if a Jew who had become Levitically defiled, required immersion, it is difficult to suppose that a heathen would have been
admitted to
all the services of the Sanctuary without a similar purification. But we have
also positive testimony (which the objections of Winer, Keil, and
Leyrer, in my opinion do not invalidate), that the baptism of proselytes
existed in the time of Hillel and Shammai. For, whereas the school of Shammai
is said to have allowed a proselyte who was circumcised on the eve of the
Passover, to partake after baptism of the Passover,1
the school of Hillel forbade it. This controversy must be regarded as providing
that at that time (previous to Christ) the baptism of proselytes was customary2
(Pes. viii. 8, Eduy. v. 2).
1. The
case supposed by the school of Shammai would, however, have been impossible,
since, according to Rabbinic directions, a certain time must have elapsed
between circumcision and baptism.
2. The
following notice from Josephus (Ant. xviii. 5. 2) is not only
interesting in itself, but for the view which it presents of baptism. It shows
what views rationalising Jews took of the work of the Baptist, and how little
such were able to enter into the real meaning of his baptism. 'But to some of
the Jews it appeared, that the destruction of Herod's army came from God, and,
indeed, as a righteous punishment on account of what had been done to John, who
was surnamed the Baptist. for Herod ordered him to be killed, a good man, and
who commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one
another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism. For that the
baptizing would be acceptable to Him, if they made use of it, not for the
putting away (remission) of some sins, but for the purification of the body,
after that the soul had been previously cleansed by righteousness. And when
others had come in crowds, for they were exceedingly moved by hearing these
words, Herod, fearing lest such influence of his over the people might lead to
some rebellion, for they seemed ready to do any thing by his council, deemed it
best, before anything new should happen through him, to put him to death,
rather than that, when a change should arise in affairs, he might have to
repent,' &c. On the credibility of this testimony see the Article on Josephus,
in Smith's 'Dictionary of Christian Biography,' vol. iii. pp. 441-460
(see especially pp. 458, 459).
